Hidden away in the depths of Women24.com we find this gem by R W Johnson... I'm now waiting for the backlash labeling him a racist, imperialist, colonialist evil white pig for daring to say just how badly the ANC is screwing up...
How Long will South Africa Survive?
Everything suggests that South Africa under the ANC is fast slipping backward and that the survival of South Africa as a unitary state cannot be taken for granted.
In 1977, RW Johnson’s best-selling How Long Will South Africa Survive? provided a controversial and highly original analysis of the survival prospects of apartheid.
Now, after more than twenty years of ANC rule, he believes the situation has become so critical that the question must be posed again.
It has not even managed to preserve an adequate power supply, that most basic essential of a modern society – even though it found, on attaining office, that it had a 25 per cent over-supply of electric power.
The towns and cities which the ANC controls are all in a state of advanced decay. This is true not just of Transkei towns like Mbizana and Mthatha, but even of Johannesburg.
Prior to 1994 Johannesburg was undoubtedly Africa’s premier city. In the main the city, like the country, is now ungoverned.
The ANC-led provincial governments work equally poorly. The most potent symbol of this is the long-running scandal of the Limpopo provincial government’s inability to deliver school textbooks to schools.
Probably the dominant ministerial activities since 1994 have been foreign travel and the observation of celebrations or rituals of one kind or another.
There is a constant round of party events – conferences, rallies, indabas, imbizos,22 national celebrations, commemorations, funerals and anniversaries.
Even extremely minor events such as the launch of a new brochure or programme are used as an excuse for lavish parties. Previously sedate occasions like the opening of Parliament are turned into major jamborees, replete with dressed-to-kill partying.
The government also doesn’t govern because it cannot. In effect the ‘transformation’of the civil service has destroyed it.
Apart from occasional oases of expertise – usually in the treasury, central bank or tax collection service – the civil service has been stripped not only of competent personnel but also of its institutional memory. Instead it has become a free-fire field for ‘cadre deployment’ and every kind of political and familial nepotism and cronyism.
One result has been colossal expenditure on outside consultants who perform many of the tasks that civil servants should but couldn’t do.
Second, the government has tried to get the private sector to do its work for it.
Essentially, this is the body within which they have lived their lives, the body to which they owe their positions and power. And it is not just an organisation; it is a family, a history, an emotional home.
Accordingly, they pay it far closer attention than anything in government.
This tendency has reached an apogee under Zuma, partly because the defenestration of Mbeki showed what the penalties were for ignoring the balance of forces within the ANC or misjudging its factions and personalities.
After all, Mbeki had forbidden the building of power stations and seen the country eclipsed by the catastrophe of major power cuts.
What did for Mbeki was that he ignored the ANC’s understood codes of conduct: he humiliated and expelled his popular deputy president, he ignored the rules of comradeship and solidarity – and he asserted his individual power against the most powerful factions, enraging them.
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